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INTERVENTION IN CUBA. 



SPEECH 



HON. HENRY GABOT LODGE, 



SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 



APRIL 13, 1898, 



WASHIIMOTOX. 
1S98. 






b 1X1 



GS448 



SPEECH 

Oh' 

HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE. 



The Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (S. R. 119) for 
the recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that 
the Government of Spain relinquish its authority and government in tho 
Island of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and 
Cuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use the 
land and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into 
effect- 
Mr. LODGE said: 

Mr. President: During the entire session, since the first of 
December, and more especially since the destruction of the Maine 
fell with a great shock upon the people of the United States, I have 
felt it my duty as a member of the Committee on Foreign Rela- 
tions, to which I have the honor to belong, to maintain an abso- 
lute silence on all matters connected with the questions pending 
between this country and Spain. I have broken through that rule 
on but one occasion, and that was when I counseled in this Chana- 
ber silence and patience until we could hear the report of the 
court of inquiry. Neither by speech here nor by interview or 
publication elsewhere have I broken the rule whicli I imposed 
upon mj' self . 

But, Mr. President, the moment has now come when the com- 
mittee to which I belong has made its report, and I feel it to be 
my duty to state the reasons which govern me and control my 
vote at this great crisis, and to try to make them plain to the peo- 
ple whom I have the very great and high honor to represent. 

Mr. President. I think there is one point on which all men in 
this country are agreed to-day, no matter how they may differ on 
one proposition or another, and that agreement is that this situa- 
tion must end. We can not go on indefmitelj' with this strain, i 
this suspense, and this uncertainty, this tottering upon the vergej 

of war. It is killing to business. 

■.iSV) 3 



It is ruinous to our people in a thous.ind ways. It is discred- 
itable to our G-overnment and our country. If we are not to take 
action in regard to Cuba in order to bring this situation to an 
end, then let us stand up in the face of the world and say that we 
wash our hands of the whole affair; let us say that we will not 
intervene to save the starving, to put an end to hostilities, and 
that we will turn the case of the Maine over to a referee. If we 
are not prepared to do that, then let us act the other way. But 
whatever happens, let us end this state of unendurable suspense. 
That, I believe, Mr. President, is the one great desire of the entire 
country. 

The President has submitted this momentous qiiestion to the 
Congress of the United States. In his hands are placed by the 
Constitution all the diplomatic functions of the Government. He 
alone can address foreign powers; he alone can carry on corre- 
spondence through his ministers and officers. Congress has no 
diplomatic functions whatever. The President has told us that 
diplomacy is exhausted, and he has handed the case over to us. 
What power have we got? We have but one, Mr. President. 
The Constitution gives to Congress— I mean to both Housss con- 
slituting the entire CongTCSs— but one power in relation to foreign 
countries— the last great weapon in the armory of nations— the 
war power. 

When a President of the United States says to Congress, as 
President McKinley has said, that he can go no further with 
diplomacy in a controversy with a foreigii nation, and remits that 
question to the Congress of the United States, he invites them to 
use the only weapon they possess. The mere fact of remitting 
the question to Congress is invoking Congress to use the most 
awful power which the Constitution has conferred upon it. 

That is the situation in which we stand to-day, Mr. President. 
We here can open no new negotiations with Madrid; we can enter 
on no correspondence with any other nation on the face of the 
earth. All that we can do is to exercise the one great power of 
peace or war. The President has asked us to exert that power, 
and in a certain way. He has invited us to exercise it by clothing 
him with the power to intervene by force of arms in order to pro- 
duce certain results. 
3':s ) 



My deep desire, Mr. President, and all the suiall inliuence that 
I may iiossess, has been given throughout to the one object of 
sustaining the President of the United States and seeking in every 
possible way to preserve unity between the Congress and the Ex- 
ecutive, for I believe, when wo ai"e face to face with a forci,ii:n 
power, that there is one duty that overrides all others, higher than 
politics and higher than everything else, and that is that the Con- 
gress and the people and the Executive of the United States should 
stand absolutely together. And now, Mr. President, when the 
President comes to Congress and invokes our aid in a controversy 
with a foreign country and asks us to give him power to inter- 
vene, I desire that that great power of war should be given to him 
in that way. 

I am against a declaration of war, but I favor giving the President 
the power to intervene. I am against recognizing the govern- 
ment of the insurgent republic because the President of the United 
States, in his high responsibility, has advised Congress strongly 
against it. I will not myself part from that unity which I consider 
so miich more important than aught else, and differ on that point. 

1 do not care to argiie here the question of recognizing or not 
recognizing the government of the insurgents. Powerful argu- 
ments can be made both ways. We have heard one in the mes- 
sage of the President; we have heard another today from the 
Senator from Ohio [Mr. Foraker] on the other side. We heard 
biit yesterday in the Foreign Relations Committee the advice of 
General Lee, who has conferred such honor upon the United 
States by the manner in which he has represented this country at 
Havana, and his advice is that we should not recognize the insur- 
gent government. 

Therefore, Mr. President, without arguing that point further, I 
beg to say that I stand with the majority of the committee and 
with the President of the United States in opposing tlie recogni- 
tion of the insurgent government at this time. It can be done, 
if necessary, at any moment. The President has nothing to do 
but to ask Mr. Palma to the White House, and the Cuban Repub- 
lic stands up erect and recognized. We may safely trust (hat 
power to the President. 

I said, .sir, that the President has asked us for intervention. Tlie 
committee have given it to him. It was not the tWm of rosolii- 
3:^30 



6 

tion which I personally preferred. I voted for another in the 
committee. But, Mr. President, what I desired more than any 
special form of resolution was the unity of action of the Govern- 
ment of the United States in the crisis to which we have arrived. 
Therefore I voted to bring these resolutions into the Senate; voted 
to do it with all the other members of the committee. Nor do I 
think, Mr. President, that there is much use in differing about 
the words in which we order intervention. We have been wan- 
dering too long as a country amid the delusions and snares of di- 
plomacy. Let us now come out into the clear light of day and 
look facts squarely in the face. 

When we authorize the President to intervene and use the Army 
and Navy of the United States, whether we do it in the language 
of the message, or in the language of the House of Representatives 
or in the language of the Senate resolution, vre create a state of 
war. Let us not deceive ourselves at this solemn hour. Forms of 
words are of but little moment in a crisis like this. It is the great 
central fact that concerns the people to-day. The President has 
asked us to mail his arm to strike with the Army and the Navy of the 
United States; to authorize him to go down into Cuba and enforce 
the pacification of the island. He has asked us to authorize him 
to set up a government there which shall be a stable government, 
and a government "capable of observing international obliga- 
tions." I quote the President's own words. 

What kind of government can alone obserA'e international obli- 
gations? Only an independent government, Mr. President. 
Therefore the President of the United States asks us to authorize 
him to use the Army and the Navy to stop the fighting in Cuba 
and establish an independent government in that island. How 
can there be an independent government in Cuba while Spain is 
there? It is an impossibility. The recommendations of the mes- 
sage mean that Spain miist leave that island, and I, for one, think 
that if that is the purpose of the message, as it clearly is, there is 
no harm and much good in telling the truth. If we intervene, we 
do not go there to take Gomez by the throat and make him stop 
fighting. We go there to put Spain out of that island, for in no 
other way can we create a government capable of observing its 
international obligations. 

The Presiiient has asked Congress to sustain him in that policy 

3280 



in its broad general lines. As I have sustained him hitherto in 
every step that he has taken, so far as my very liumblo inlluence 
went, I sustain him now when he asks us to give him this last 
great power of the Constitution. Therefore, Mr. President, when 
we vote to give the President of the United States power to inter- 
vene in the affairs of another country with the Army and Navy 
of the United States, we clothe him with the war power, and 
we had better face that great responsibility and look it in the eye 
like men and not attempt to shrink from what it means and try 
feebly to pretend that it is not there. 

No man can be more averse to war than I, no one can dread 
more than I any act which will plunge the country into war. Mr. 
President, such measures as I have voted for in past years in the 
Senate since the Cuban crisis has been upon the country I have 
supported not merely because I thought they made for the inter- 
ests of the insurgents, with whom I sympathize in the strongest 
possible manner, because they are fighting for freedom, but be- 
cause I thought then, as I think now, that they were the true road 
to the preservation of peace. 

If two years ago we had recognized the belligerency of the 
Cuban insurgents they would have been able to raise money, to 
hoist a flag at sea, and open a port; they would then have won 
their independence, in my judgment, and we never should have 
been involved. If one year ago last January we had recognized 
their independence, again they would have been able to raise 
money, to open a port, and to have established their independence 
themselves. I so believed then; I so believe now. Both those 
propositions passed by the Senate of the United States were 
smothered elsewhere by a wisdom which I shall not question; but 
I think that each of those refusals to act kept alive the Cuban 
difficulty, and the longer it was kept alive the nearer and the 
surer war came to us. 

I have also for many years advocated a powerful Navy and 
strong coast defenses. I have advocated them because I believed 
that in them was the great guaranty of peace. Mr. President, if 
we had today, as we ought to have, twenty battle ships and a 
hundred torpedo boats, there never would have been a Cuban ques- 
tion: we should have been so ready and so strong that we could 
have laid our hands on the shoulder of Spain and said, "You must 
i:.';j;) 



8 

stop;"" and ilie contest would have been so hopeless that it never 
would have been entered upon. Thousands of men who fill graves 
in Cuba to-day, tortured into them by starvation, would be alive, 
and the Maine would still ride the seas. But, Mr. President, more 
conservative principles prevailed and we have not the large Navy 
we ought to hiivo. 

I believe in preparation for war as Washington advocated it; I 
believe in a rigid exclusion from America of any European exten- 
sion, which was the great doctrine of the generation which fol- 
lowed Washington. These principles have been scoffed at as the 
doctrine of "jingoes." Ah, Mr. President, as Coleridge says, 
"Old faiths often become new heresies." If we had clung to the 
old faiths, if we had kept our Navy and our defenses as Washing- 
ton advised, if we had looked a little further ahead into what the 
Monroe doctrine meant, we should not be standing on the verge 
of war to-day. We failed, as I believe, in certain obvious duties, 
and the inexorable law of compensation has brought the inevita- 
ble penalty to our doors. 

Mr. President, we are not in this crisis by an accident. We 
have not been brought here by chance or by clamorous politi- 
cians or by yellow journals. We are face to face with Spain 
to-day in the fulfillment of a great movement which has run 
through the centuries. Oiit of the war which Spain wages, and 
the manner in which she wages it have come starvation and the 
destruction of the Maine. The war comes out of Spanish mis- 
government and Spanish corruption. That corruption is not of 
yesterday. It is very, very old. It has cost Spain all her conti- 
nental colonies. It existed two hundred years ago. You can see 
it all portrayed in that beautiful picture of character and man- 
ners which Le Sage drew in the history of Gil Bias of Santillane. 
Spain was corrupt then; it was misgoverned then; and out of it 
has come to-day the Cuban war. 

Even at this moment the corruption which Le Sage described is 
worse than ever. Spain is on her deathbed, buried in debt, bleed- 
ing at every vein from the revolutions in her colonies, and her 
officers and officials rob her, dying, as she is, in the eyes of the 
world. We asked General Lee yesterday when he was before us 
if the 8COO,000 said to have been appropriated by Spain for the re- 
lief of the reconcentrados would reach them or would be spent 



9 

on the Spanish soldiers— for they are starving, too— and his reply 
was, "It will never reach either of them; the officials will take it 
all on the way." That is what is goin^' on in Spain, just as J* 
was when Gil Bias had his adventures. That is why Cuba has 
rebelled. 

Mr. President, this long process of Spanish decay began far 
back, three hundred years ago, and the vast empire of Charles V has 
been dying through all these centuries. The men who first struck 
at it, even in its pitch of pride, were the men of the dikes and the 
marshes of Holland. The men who next struck it and brought it 
down were the men of English blood, the English seamen of the 
sixteenth century. They fought it by an instinct, because it stood 
for all that meant oppression, bigotry, cruelty, and terror. Those 
men of Holland and England fought it because they stood for the 
principles of liberty and of free government. 

In our veins runs the blood of Holland and the blood of Eng- 
land. If after all the centuries it comes to us, much as we pray 
to avert it, io meet Spain face to face in war, it is because we ai-o 
there in obedience to a greater movement than any man can ho])o 
to control. "We are there because we represent the spirit of lib- 
erty and the spirit of the new time, and Spain is over against us 
because she is medieval, cruel, dying. We are not there by 
chance. We are there because we stand now for just the same 
principles for which the men stood who followed William the 
Silent and sailed with Drake; and if this terrible thing— this aw- 
ful curse of war— must como upon us, then we can only repeat 
with Lincoln the words of the second inaugural, "The judgments 
of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."' 

Mr. President, we have exhausted the resources of diplomacy; 
we have made every effort that could be made. The President 
has been patient, more than patient. He has used every possible 
effort to secure a settlement at once honorable to the country and 
in the interest of freedom and humanity. Every effcrt that he 
has made has failed, and, saying so, he lias committed the (lucs- 
tion to us. 

We are told that Spain has recalled the concentration edict. 
We were told that last November, and yet the people have been 
in the pens dying ever since. We were told that Weylcr"s edict 
had been revoked then, and yet starvation has gone on. Wo hear 



10 

of another proclamation for another revocation of that same edict 
which had been already revoked, and the people are dying in 
Havana now and in other towns, and the President himself con- 
cludes his message with a request for money to feed the starving. 
What does the Spanish order of §600,000 amount to? It is a 
fraud— an absolute fraud. It is a fraud like their armistice, which 
invites the insurgents to come in and lay down their arms. There 
is nothing in it at all but baffling snares, and every man who has 
been in the Island of Cuba and comes before the Committee on 
Foreign Relations swears to the same thing. 

Mr. President, we can not, in my opinion, allow that fire to 
burn longer at our doors. We can no longer permit those people 
to starve to death, brought to that hideous torture by a war meas- 
ure of Spain. We can not longer suffer our commerce to be 
ruined, our property destroyed, our business to be darkened and 
depressed. Spain has refused every valid suggestion that would 
bring any solution, and she has given us a stone where we have 
aSked for bread. 

We can not accept, Mr. President, conditions of peace which 
would degrade us in the eyes of the world, and, what is infinitely 
more important, in our own eyes. If we were to do so, we should 
bring evils in the train of such a yielding which no man can esti- 
mate. We should heap wars upon the generations yet unborn which 
no man can contemplate without a shudder, for we should give 
to the world an invitation to step into the Western Hemisphere 
and do anything they please to the people of the United States. 

There are some things, Mr. President, horrible as war is, worse 
than war and better than money. A nation's honor is one thing, 
and her duty to humanity is another. 

They say that they are not our own people. They are j ust outside 
the walls of the house we call our own. Ah, Mr. President, when 
they say to me, "Are you your brother's keeper? " I respond, '• Yes; 
we are the keeper of those people in Cuba, "for we announced fifty 
years ago to the whole world that the Cuban question was an 
American question. We drew a ring fence around that island, 
and" we told the people of the earth that no one should interfere 
there except ourselves. Here we stand, shutting out every other 
nation and allowing Spain to butcher those people after her own 
fashion. There is a great responsibility. We can not escape it, 



11 

and if we fail to meet it we shall jmy the awful price for our fail- 
ure, as nations always do. 

The sentiment of the American people in my judgment is for 
peace. We are essentially a peace-loving, peace-cherishing people. 
But there is a sentiment in the American people that is above ar.d 
teyond their love of peace. I mean among the great mass of oi:r 
people whose eyes are not blinded by the glitter of too mach wealth. 
Among those people there is a strong sentiment for peace always, 
but it can only be peace with honor. They cherish very deeply 
the honor of their country all the more, perhaps, if thej' have not 
many other possessions to cherish — the pride in being an Ameri- 
can is very dear to them — and they do not want to see that name 
tarnished or brought to ignominy or dishonor. 

The sentiment of my own State and my own people I have 
known and know now is for peace. They do not wish to see this 
country plunged into an unnecessary war, but neither would they 
see the country degraded. They would not see it dragged in the 
dust before the eyes of the world. If they can not have peace 
with honor, then they will meet war in a brave and noble spirit, 
^ as Massachusetts always has met her trials, from Concord to Bal- 

timore. 

If war must be— I hope and pray that it may yet be avoided— no 
nation ever went to war on higher grounds or from nobler or 
more disinterested motives. War is here, if it is here, by the act 
of Spain. We have grasped no man's territory. We have taken 
no man's properly. We have invaded no man's rights. We do 
not ask their lands. We do not ask their money. We ask peace 
in that unhappy island— peace and freedom, not for ourselves, but 
for others. It is an unselfish, a pure, a noble demand; and if war 
does come, then, Mr. President, we do not fear to meet it. We 
will meet it so that the curse of Spain shall never rest again on 
any part of the Western Hemisphere. We do not want war; we 
would do anything in honor to avoid it; but if it must come, it 
will be a war that will prevent Spain from ever bringing misery, 
death, and ruin to Cuba, and agitation, unhappiness, loss, and war 
to the United States. 

And now, Mr. President, what of the Maint? I suppose a good 
argument can be made that that is a legal question; that there are 
disputed facts; that it dees not do to get too excited about it: but 
3X0 



I am so sentimental, I am so merely human, tliat that ship is 
nearer my heart than anything else. Suppose she had gone down 
to her death in an English harbor, blown up as she was, carrying 
her men with her; what do you think would have been the voice 
of England— the land of Nelson? I believe if it had happened in 
an English port England would have said, in a great and gener- 
ous spirit, "We regard this with horror; we believe that it must 
have been an accident, but it happened in our harbor under our 
flag. If you think otherwise, name the reparation that you 
want." Such, Mr. President, I believe would have been the 
reply of England; such I believe would have been our reply or 
that of any of the great powers. 

Look now at Spain. She has done nothing but slander officers 
and sailors of the Blaine, dead and living. Her ambassador to 
Rome said but a week ago to all Europe, in a published inter- 
view, that that ship went down because her captain neglected her 
and was not on board. Notorious as the sinking of the ship is the 
fact that Captain Sigsbee was there, and was the last man to leave 
is equally well known, and yet the Spanish ambassador to Rome 
tells that lying story to the world. Last Sunday the Spanish am- 
bassador in London announced also to all the world through the 
columns of the press that the Maine was blown up from inside 
because our officers neglected their duty, feasting on shore when 
they should have died at their posts. That is typical of the Span- 
ish answer, and it is a coarse insiilt. 

They agreed on their story that the ship was blown up by acci- 
dent before they even looked at her hull. We have the evidence 
of Captain Sigsbee before our committee as to the character of 
the examination which the Spaniards made— trivial, slight, care- 
less, done for a form, to back up a story which they had already 
made up their minds to stand by and put forth. They have never 
even tried to prove that there were no mines in the harbor, and 
an accused man or nation who refuses to offer exculpatory evi- 
dence convicts himself. That has been the attitude of Spain- 
indifferent, insulting, ignoble— toward an aw^ful disaster hap- 
pening in her own harbor. 

Mr. FRYE. Mr. President 

The VICE-PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Massachu- 
setts yield to the Senator from Maine? 

3230 



13 

Mr. LODGE. Certainly. 

Mr. FRYE. Will the Senator from Massachusetts please add 
right here that the death of our sailors and the destruction of our 
ship, according to General Lee's testimony, was celebrated wit?^ 
bantiuets and champagne by the Spanish ofl&cers in Cuba? 

Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Maino 
for recalling to me the testimony of General Lee on that point 
yesterday. Where so much has been told it is impossible to re- 
member all. They rejolcad in Havana, and they explained the 
explosion by throwing it upon our officers, slandering their char- 
acter and denying their words. 

I have examined that testimony from beginning to end; I liavo 
heard the evidence of Captain Sigsbee, of the torpedo experts of 
the Navy Department, and yesterday of the consul-general, Fitz- 
hugh Lee. We know that that ship was anchored at a buoy never 
used for public ships of war. certainly not for many years; we 
know that she was anchored there by a Spanish official pilot; we 
know that the night she was blown up she had swung into a po- 
sition where she had never ridden before and" the only position 
where her broadside commanded the fort; we have the statement 
of General Lee and of Captain Sigsbee as to their profound belief; 
we can not put our hand upon the man who pressed the button, 
but we know that it was a submarine mine either put there for 
that special purpose or to defend the fortress, and Spain has never 
attempted to show that no mine was there. 

On those unquestioned facts every man has the right to make up 
his own mind. Every man is entitled to his own belief, and I 
state mine after fifty days of careful study and a consideration of 
every fact. I have no more doubt about it than that I am now 
standing in the Senate of the United States— that that ship was 
blown U13 by a Government mine, fired by, or with the connivance 
of, Spanish officials. I do not say it was done by General Blanco. 
I exonerate him fully on the statement of General Lee. I do 
not say that it was done by the Government itself, but it could 
have been done only by experts, only by men in control of Govern- 
ment mines, only by men who had their hands upoji the Government 
machinerj'. Others may reason from those facts as they please. 
Tome they bear but one interpretation, and that is that the Maine 

2230 



14 

went to her death by Spanish treachery in the harbor of Havana 
and Spaniards exulted and feasted when the black deed was done. 
Mr. President, I suppose it may be urged that it is proper that 
we should negotiate and arbitrate, but whenever I think of that 
solution there comes to my mind the lines of Lowell, written at 
another period, a very dark time in this country— written in the 
homely New England dialect: 

Ef I turn mad dogs loose, Jolin, 

On your front-parlor stairs, 
Would it jest meet your views, John, 

To wait an' sue their heirs? 

Ah, Mr. President, it does not seem to me that this is a case for 
negotiation. It would have been the case for a generous opponent 
to have put himself greatly in the right by his treatment of it, 
but it seems to me we can not any more negotiate about it than a 
man can negotiate about an insult to his mother. What could 
we take if we did arbitrate? Are we going to take money for 
those dead men of ours? 

I STippose again that I am very impracticable and very senti- 
mental, but the idea revolts me. At the close of the civil war the 
great war governor of Massachusetts found his practice scattered, 
his small accumulations and savings gone, because he had given 
his time, as, indeed, he gave his life, to the service of the State and 
the country. It was known how much he had siiffered in his 
practice and his purse, and there was a story circulated in the 
papers that his friends intended to make him collector of the port, 
the most highly paid office in the State of Massachusetts. The 
day that item of news appeared a friend of Governor Andrew 
met him and said to him, " Well, Governor, are you going to take 
the collectorship? "' He paused a moment, then looked up sud- 
denly and said, " I have stood for four years as high priest be- 
tween the horns of the altar; I have poured out upon it the best 
blcod of Massachusetts; I can not take money for that.'' 

Mr. President, we can not take money for the dead men of the 
Maine, There is only one reparation. There is only one monu- 
ment to raise over that grave, and that is free Cuba and peace in 
that island. That is a worthy monument, worthy of men who 
died under the flag they loved, died, in the cold language of the 

law, " in the line of duty." 
32:iJ 



15 

They say we can not go to war about the Maine. Perhaps not. 
We are told that it is an incident. So be it. It is the oiitgrowth 
of the conditions in Cuba; it is the outgrowth of that Spanish 
rule; it is the outcome of that Spanish war, and it calls upon us 
to end the causes that made it possible. The men who were hurled 
from the sleep of life into the sleep of death call upon us from 
their graves to root out forever the causes which made their 
slaughter possible. 

"We are told that we must not go to war on the narrow ground 
of revenge. Revenge is an ugly word, although Bacon tells us 
that it is nothing but wild justice. No, not revenge; but we must 
have reparation for the Maine. We can not as a nation belittle 
that case or refuse to demand a great and shining atonement for 
our dead sailors. If we allow that to drop aside, to pass away 
into an endless tangle of negotiation and law and discussion, we 
are lost to all sense of brotherhood; we are lost to all love of kith 
and kin; our uniform will no longer be an honor and a protection: 
it will be a disgrace and danger to wear it. 

Your men on j'our ships are sullen to-day because they think 
that the Government is not behind them. There are mutterings 
among the men who wear your uniform because they think j-ou 
have not striven to redress the awful slaughter of their comrades. 
You must maintain the honor of the uniform and of the flag under 
which the men died. Surely, there never was a more righteous 
cause than this for any nation to ask for justice. 'That gigantic 
murder, the last sjDasm of a corru^jt and dying society, which car- 
ried down our ship and our men, cries aloud for justice. 

Mr. President, I care but little what form of words we adopt. 
I am ready to yield my opinions to those about me in Congress. 
Still more ready am I to defer to the wishes of the Executive, who 
stands and must stand at our head; but I want now to arm that 
Executive with powers which shall enable him in the good provi- 
dence of God to bring peace to Cuba and exact justice for the 

Maine. [Applause in the galleries.] 
3;JJ0 



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